McClellan's Crimean Report X: Conclusion

Attack on the Malakoff-William Simpson

The result of the operations of this long and eventful siege was that on the 8th of September,1855, the French had, at a great cost of life and labor, pushed their approaches to the distance of 32 paces from the counterscarp of the Malakoff, and not quite so near the other works. The English, meanwhile, had scarcely reached within 225 yards of the ditch of the Redan.

On that day the assault was made at noon upon at least six points.

A few minutes later than the assault upon the Malakoff the English attacked the Redan.

"The Russians being now upon the alert, they did not pass over the open space before them without loss; but the mass succeeded in crossing the ditch and gaining the salient of the work. Finding themselves entirely unsupported they at once took shelter behind the traverses, whence the example and efforts of their officers did not avail to draw them, in order to occupy the work closing the gorge. Having in vain used every effort, having dispatched every officer of his staff to the rear urging that supports should be at once sent up, and seeing that the Russians were now beginning to assemble in force, the commander of the English storming party reluctantly determined to proceed himself to obtain reinforcements. Scarcely had he reached the trenches, and at last obtained authority to move up the required succor, when upon turning to lead them forward, lie saw the party he had left in the work rapidly and hopelessly driven out at the point of the bayonet. No further effort was made to carry the work. It would, in all probability, have failed, and would only have caused a useless sacrifice of men.

The failure of the English assault may he attributed partly to the fact that their advanced trenches were too small to accommodate the requisite force without confusion, in part to their not being pushed sufficiently near the Redan, but chiefly to that total absence of conduct and skill in the arrangements for the assault which left the storming party entirely without support. Had it been followed at once by strong reinforcements, it is almost certain that the English would have retained possession of the work.

The two French attacks on the west of the central ravine were probably intended only as feints; at all events, the parties engaged were soon driven back to their trenches with considerable loss, and effected nothing. Their attempts upon the Little Redan, and the works connecting it with the Malakoff, met with even less success than the English assault. The Russians repulsed the French with great loss, meeting with the bayonet the more adventurous men who reached the parapet. Thus, in five points out of six the defenders were fully victorious, but, unfortunately for them, the sixth was the decisive point.

In their admirable arrangements for the attack of the Malakoff, the French counted on two things for success: first, they had ascertained that the Russians were in the habit of relieving the guard of the Malakoff at noon, and that a great part of the old guard marched out before the new one arrived, in order to avoid the loss which would arise from crowding the work with men ; in the second place, it was determined to keep up a most violent vertical fire until the very moment of the assault, thus driving the Russians into the bomb proofs, and enabling the storming party to enter the work with but little opposition. The hour of noon was therefore selected for the assault, and the strong columns intended for the work were at an early hour assembled in the advanced trenches, all in admirable order, and furnished with precise instructions.

The mortars maintained an unremitting fire until the moment appointed. The very instant the last volley was discharged the storming party of Zouaves rushed over the thirty paces before them, and were in the work before the astonished Russians knew what had happened. It was stated that this party lost but eleven men in entering the work. Other troops advanced rapidly to the support of the storming party, a bridge was formed by rolling up five ladders with planks lashed to them, a communication was at once commenced between the advanced trench and the bridge, brigade after brigade passed over, the redoubt was at once occupied by the storming party, and thus the Malakofif and with it Sebastopol, was won. The few Russians remaining in the work made a desperate resistance. Many gallant attempts were made by Russian columns to ascend the steep slope in rear and regain the lost work ; but the road was narrow, difficult, and obstructed; the position strong, and the French in force. All their furious efforts were in vain, and the Malakofl" remained in the possession of those who had so gallantly and skilfully won it. With regard to the final retreat to the north side, it can only be said that a personal examination of the locality merely confirms its necessity, and the impression so generally entertained that it was the finest operation of the war ; so admirably was it carried out that not a straggler remained behind; a few men so severely wounded as to be unfit for rough and hurried transportation were the sole ghastly human trophies that remained to the allies.

The retreat, being a more difficult operation than the assault, may be worthy of higher admiration; but the Russian retreat to the north side and the French assault upon the Malakoff must each be regarded as a masterpiece of its kind, deserving the closest study. It is difficult to imagine what point in either can be criticized, for both evinced consummate skill, discipline, coolness, and courage. With regard to the artillery, I would merely remark that the Russian guns were not of unusual calibre, consisting chiefly of 24, 32, and 42-pounders; and that the termination of the siege was mainly due to the extensive use of mortars finally resorted to by the allies. If they had been employed in the beginning as the main reliance, the siege would have been of shorter duration.

The causes of the unusual duration of this siege naturally resolve themselves into three classes : the skillful disposition of the Russians, the faults of the allies, and natural causes beyond the control of either party. Among the latter may be mentioned the natural strength of the position and the severity of the winter. In the first class, there may be alluded to: the skill with which the Russian engineers availed themselves of the nature of the ground; the moral courage which induced them to undertake the defence of an open town with a weak garrison; the constant use they made of sorties, among which may properly be classed the battles of Balaklava, Inkermann, and the Tchernaya; the ready ingenuity with which they availed themselves of the resources derived from the fleet; the fine practice of their artillery; their just appreciation of the true use of field works, and the admirable courage they always evinced in standing to their works to repel assaults at the point of the bayonet ; the employment of rifle pits on an extensive scale; finally, the constant reinforcements which they soon commenced receiving, and which enabled them to fill the gaps made in their ranks by disease and the projectiles of the allies.

The evidences of skill on the part of the allies, as well as the apparent faults on all sides, having been already alluded to, it is believed that the means have been furnished to enable any one to draw his own conclusions as to the history of this memorable passage of arms.

At different times during the siege a vast amount of labor was bestowed upon field works in front of Kamiesch and Balaklava, near the Inkermann, on the northern and eastern borders of the plateau, and along the Tchernaya; these works varied much in strength and character, sometimes consisting of continuous lines, again of detached redoubts.

The redoubts generally had ditches about 10' wide and 6' deep. In many cases these works were only undertaken when a narrow escape from some imminent danger had demonstrated their necessity.

The line in front of Kamiesch consisted of 8 pentagonal redoubts, connected by an infantry parapet; it ran from Streletzka bay nearly south to the sea, passing at a little more than a mile from the harbor of Kamiesch; it was never completely finished.

The position of the Russians, after the evacuation of the south side, was one of exceeding strength; their establishments were covered by Fort Sivernaia (a permanent work) and long lines of strong earthen batteries, which would have required a siege to reduce them.

The steep declivity of Mackenzie's heights, accessible at but a few points, all of which were strongly guarded, rendered the approach from the south a matter of extreme difficulty; it would appear that the allies were wise in refusing to attempt to force the passage, unless the effort had been made immediately after the fall of the Malakoff, before the Russians recovered from the shock.

Efforts were made to turn the extreme Russian left by the valley of Baidar, but they only served to ascertain the hopelessness of the undertaking.

The detached operations against Kinburn, Eupatoria, Kertch, the sea of Azoz, &c. , cannot be regarded as having produced any effect upon the general result of the war; they served chiefly to weaken the main body of the allies, to annoy and exasperate the Russians, to occupy the attention of some of their irregular troops, and to destroy more private than public property.

The most accurate topographical map of the ground around Sebastopol, that I have seen, is one published at the hydrographic office of the admiralty, February 2, 1856, and entitled "Sebastopol: showing the Russian defence works and the approaches of the allied armies; by Lieutenant George R. Wilkinson, R. N., under the direction of Captain T. Spratt, R. N. C. B., September 1, 1855."

The permanent defences of the harbor of Sebastopol against an attack by water, although inferior in material and the details of construction to our own most recent works, proved fully equal to the purpose for which they were intended. Indeed, the occurrences on the Pacific, the Baltic, and the Black sea, all seem to establish, beyond controversy, the soundness of the view so long entertained by all intelligent military men, that well constructed fortifications must always prove more than a match for the strongest fleets.

It is believed that a calm consideration of the events so hastily and imperfectly narrated in the preceding pages must lead all unprejudiced persons among our countrymen to a firm conviction on two vital points:

1st. That our system of permanent coast defences is a wise and proper one, which ought to be completed and armed with the least possible delay.

2d. That mere individual courage cannot suffice to overcome the forces that would be brought against us, were we involved in an European war, but that it must be rendered manageable by discipline, and directed by that consummate and mechanical military skill which can only be acquired by a course of education, instituted for the special purpose, and by long habit.

In the day of sailing vessels the successful siege of Sebastopol would have been impossible. It is evident that the Russians did not appreciate the advantages afforded by steamers, and were unprepared to sustain a siege.

This same power of steam would enable European nations to disembark upon our shores even a larger force than that which finally encamped around Sebastopol. To resist such an attack, should it ever be made, our cities and harbors must be fortified, and those fortifications must be provided with guns, ammunition, and instructed artillerists. To repel the advance of such an army into the interior, it is not enough to trust to the number of brave but undisciplined men that we can bring to bear against it.

An invading army of 15,000 or 20,000 men could easily be crushed by the unremitting attacks of superior numbers; but when it comes to the case of more than 100,000 disciplined veterans, the very multitude brought to bear against them works its own destruction; because, if without discipline and instruction, they cannot be handled, and are in their own way. We cannot afford a Moscow campaign.

Our regular army never can, and, perhaps, never ought to be large enough to provide for all the contingencies that may arise, but it should be as large as its ordinary avocations in the defence of the frontier will justify; the number of officers and non-commissioned officers should be unusually large, to provide for a sudden increase; and the greatest possible care should be bestowed upon the instruction of the special arms of the artillery and engineer troops.

The militia and volunteer system should be placed upon some tangible and effective basis; instructors furnished them from the regular army, and all possible means taken to spread sound military information among them.

In the vicinity of our seacoast fortifications it would be well to provide a sufficient number of volunteer companies with the means of instruction in heavy artillery; detailing officers of the regular artillery as instructors, who should at the same time he in charge of, and responsible for, the guns and material.

In time of war, or when war is imminent, local companies of regular artillery might easily he enlisted for short terms of service, or for the war, in the seacoast towns. The same thing might advantageously he carried into effect, on a small scale, in time of peace.

GEORGE B. McCLELLAN,

Captain First Cavalry,

January 14, 1857.

A cleaned up image of McClellan from an official commission photo

McClellan's Crimean Report IX

Siège de Sébastopol, chasseurs à pied de la Garde impériale. . . - D.A. Marie

We may now turn to the point of attack.

 The facts of the case are well known. For many months the operations of the French were directed entirely against the Flag-staff and Central Bastions, the English being engaged in what may be termed two false attacks against the Redan.

It was not until the spring of 1855 that the efforts of the French were at last turned towards securing possession of the Malakoff.

To appreciate the merits of this question, it is necessary again to refer to the map to bear in mind that the heights overlooking the Karabelnaia were considerably more elevated than those bordering upon the main city, and that the docks and other naval, as well as military establishments, were all located in the Karabelnaia suburb.

Were the Flag-staff Bastion carried, but a single step was gained; beyond it existed at least two lines of defence, both difficult to carry, before even the main city was reached. While these new approaches were being constructed, it would have been a simple matter for the Russians to border the commanding heights of the Karabelnaia with new batteries directed against the town; the fire from these, together with that from the works on the north side, would have rendered the victors very uncomfortable and insecure in their barren conquest; and the fleet could have retired to the vicinity of the Careening bay, where it, as well as the docks, would have been secure against direct injury.

By taking the Malakoff, the fleet and the establishments of the Russians lay exposed at the feet of the allies; its commanding position and proximity to the main harbor rendered further resistance useless when once occupied by them. Considerations relating to the facility of bringing up supplies and covering their depot very probably determined the direction of the early

French attacks, but by no means diminish the credit due to General Neil, who first turned the efforts of his countrymen in the right direction.

If a deficiency in men and means is assigned as a reason for the early operations of the allies, it is but another proof that, in undertaking the affair, they neglected one of the clearest rules of war, that is, to undertake no important operation without full and reliable information as to the obstacles to be overcome, and the means of resistance in the hands of the enemy.

Enough has already been said to justify the belief that a dilemma, difficult of solution, might be presented for the consideration of the allies: on the one hand, the comparatively small scale upon which the original expedition was organized; the intimation contained in some of the French instructions that "half a siege train" would suffice to capture Sebastopol, and the absence of all preparations for passing the winter in the Crimea, would indicate that the allied governments were well aware of the real weakness of Sebastopol at that time, and intended that it should be carried by a "coup de vigeur;" on the other hand, from the moment the armies landed, every movement was conducted in a manner indicating that the generals were under the impression that formidable defences were in front of them, and that nothing serious could be attempted until further supplies and reinforcements were received.

In regard to the detailed execution of the French attacks, little or nothing novel is to be observed. Even when coolly examining the direction of their trenches, after the close of the siege, it was very rare that a faulty direction could be detected; they always afforded excellent cover, and were well defiladed; in some cases the excavation of the double direct sap was carried to the depth of 6' in the solid rock.

The execution of many of the saps and batteries was worthy of a school of practice. In the parallels, bomb proofs were provided as temporary hospitals, offices for the generals on duty, &c. They did not use the sapper armor. The use of the sap roller was often attempted, but it could be employed only during the latter part of the attack upon the Malakoff, when the fire of the Russian artillery was nearly extinguished by the mortars; before that, as soon as a sap roller was placed in position some 30 guns would be brought to bear upon it, the result being its immediate destruction.

It may justly be said of the French approaches, that they admirably carried into practice their system of sapping. The technical skill and patient courage evinced by their officers and men in pushing forward such excellent approaches, under a most deadly fire, is worthy of all commendation, and is such as might have been expected from the antecedents of their corps of engineers. With regard to the English the case was different; it seemed as if they systematically abandoned the excellent system taught and perfected with so much care at Chatham.

Whenever the ground was difficult their trenches generally ceased to afford shelter; a shallow excavation in the rock, and a few stones thrown up in front, appeared to be all that was considered necessary in such cases. They were often faulty in direction as well as in profile, being not unfrequently badly defiladed, or not gaining ground enough, and entirely too cramped; nor were they pushed as close to the Redan as they ought to have been before giving the assault.

In too many cases the expression "tatonnement" of the French would seem to convey the best idea of their operations. Their batteries, however, were very well constructed. Their magazines, platforms, &c., were usually similar to those adopted at Chatham, although unnecessary deviations were sometimes complained of.

They employed neither armor nor the full sap; sometimes the half-full, hut generally the flying sap were employed. The excellent English magazines were generally covered with 7" or 8" timber, 2 layers of fascines, 2 layers of sand bags, and 5' or 6' of earth. During the siege three were exploded by 13" shells, hut it was supposed that in two of these cases the shells burst in the passage, as similar magazines resisted 13" shells falling on the roof; in the third case, the magazine was first struck fairly on the roof by a 13" shell, which laid it hare to the sand hags; the corporal of sappers in charge, being intoxicated, neglected to repair the damage, when another 13" shell struck in the same place and exploded the magazine.

A very good gabion was made, by the English, of the iron hoops of bales of hay, casks, &c. They were 3' high and 2' in diameter, having 11 stakes of sawed wood. The iron hoops were wattled as the ordinary withes, and were hound by iron straps running the whole length of the gabion. These were much employed in revetting the cheeks of embrasures, thus avoiding the use of raw hides. The first pair of gabions, at the throat, should not be of iron, since it was found that shot would often tear off pieces of the straps, which caused bad wounds.

Gabions were also made of split hoops.

The fascines were bound with iron straps, twisted by pincers, in addition to the ordinary withes. The dimensions of their materials varied much in size, being made by different parties.

Sand bags were very much employed in revetting batteries, traverses, &c.

Latrines were provided at the extremities of parallels and boyaux*, and cleansed with lime every day.

Water tanks and reservoirs were provided in the parallels, and filled every morning and evening by means of pack animals.

During the siege the English working parties and guards of the trenches generally paraded at 6 p. m., and moved off after dark, often suffering severely before reaching the trenches. The guards of the trenches went on duty in their red coats and forage caps, without knapsacks; working parties in working dress, and armed; muskets on the reverse of the trench. Generally double sentinels were posted, on their bellies, about 50 yards in advance of the trench.

Materials, guns, ammunition, &c., were carried up at night, "over the open."

 *Boyau (Fr.) - a communication trench, a sap pushed forward toward the enemy.  Typically constructed in a zigzag pattern to prevent exposure to direct fire from the front.

Sebastopol from the Extreme Right of the Trench Attack-William Simpson

McClellan's Crimean Report VIII

McClellan's report on the Crimea War continued . . .

Harbor at Balaklava crowded with shipping

This would seem to be the proper place to notice a popular fallacy which, for a time at least, gained extensive credence. It was, that the siege of Sebastopol proved the superiority of temporary (earthen) fortifications over those of a permanent nature. It is easy to show that it proved nothing of the kind, but that it only proved that temporary works in the hands of a brave and skilful garrison are susceptible of a longer defence than was generally supposed. They were attacked as field works never were before, and were defended as field works never had been defended. The main difference between properly constructed permanent fortifications (intended to resist a siege) and temporary works is, that the latter seldom present an insuperable obstacle against assault, "while the former always do. In addition, permanent works have a better command over the adjacent country, and are more carefully and perfectly planned. The masonry walls, which render an assault impossible, cannot he seen from the distance, and can he destroyed only by establishing batteries on the crest of the glacis or the edge of the ditch; the earthen ramparts alone being visible beyond that point, they may, until the besiegers arrive there, be regarded in the same light as field works, with the difference that the garrison are not harassed by the necessity of being constantly prepared to repel an assault. Now, in the siege of Sebastopol, the trenches of the besiegers never reached the edge of the ditch; so that, had the fortification been a permanent one, the most difficult, slow, and dangerous part of the siege remained to be undertaken, viz: the crowning of the covered way, the establishment of the breach batteries, the descent and passage of the ditch, and the assault of the breach; in other words, at the moment when the weakness of the temporary works became apparent and fatal, the true strength of the permanent defences would have commenced coming into play.

Assuming the progress of the attack to have been as rapid as it was under existing circumstances, the besiegers, on the 8th of September, would not yet have been in a condition to crown the covered way, the siege would certainly have extended into the winter; and it may even be doubted whether the place would eventually have fallen, until the allies were in sufficient force to invest the north as well as the south side.

From the fleet and the naval arsenals were undoubtedly derived the means of arming and equipping the land defences; on many occasions the fire of the vessels up the ravines, as well as their vertical fire, was probably attended with effect, yet I can see no reason to coincide in the opinion that the presence of the fleet justified the allies in failing to advance upon the town immediately after their arrival in front of it. No doubt the fire of the vessels would have rendered it impossible for the allies to have occupied immediately the lower parts of the town and the shores of the harbor, but the nature of the ground was such that they could have opposed no serious resistance to the allied occupation of the positions subsequently occupied by the Malakof, Redan, and Flagstaff Bastion. Once holding these points, it would have been easy for the allies to establish batteries commanding at once the fleet and the town; defence would have been impossible, and the opening of their fire must have been the signal alike for the destruction of the fleet and the evacuation of the south side.

We will now pass to the works of attack.

So great was their extent, some 6 miles from the extreme right to the furthest left, with a development that has been stated, probably without exaggeration, to exceed 40 miles, and so broken was the ground over which they stretched, that it is impossible to give in a report like this anything approaching to a definite idea of their plan. An endeavor will be made merely to point out how far the besiegers departed from, or conformed to, their established systems for works of this nature.

As the selection of the points of attack, and the positions to he occupied to cover the siege must first have engaged the attention of the allied commanders, they will naturally be the first objects for our consideration.

In the determination of the position for covering the siege there were two things to be considered: 1st, the power of resisting the efforts of a relieving army; 2d, the facility of bringing up to the front the various supplies required in the operations.

The strength of the position afforded by the plateau of the Chersonese has already been referred to; with the small force at first present on the part of the allies, it is certain that their position -would have teen much stronger and more secure had they confined themselves to the occupation of the plateau, holding the valleys to the east only by detachments to observe the enemy. The English, supposing that their position and point of attack remained as it was, would have had a somewhat greater distance to pass over in the transportation of their supplies; but by abandoning Balaklava for Kazatch they would have obtained a much more extensive and convenient harbor, and the united efforts of the two armies would have enabled them to construct, in ample season, a good road for the passage of their trains. Had the siege been undertaken by a French army alone, it can scarcely be doubted that Kamiesch and Kazatch would have been used to the exclusion of Balaklava; at all events, Balaklava would have been employed only as a temporary depot, when the roads were good and the enemy at a distance; here the insuperable evils of a divided command probably intervened. In this case the barren and disastrous day of Balaklava would never have occurred; the force and labor employed in protecting Balaklava would have placed the position of Inkermann in such a state of defence as either to have deterred the Russians from engaging in the battle or to have secured the victory to the allies without the frightful cost and great uncertainty attending that eventful contest.

In the actual condition of affairs, if either on the 25th October or the 5th November the Russians had succeeded in carrying Balaklava, the English army would have been reduced to the most desperate extremity by the total loss of all its supplies and means of transportation. It is possible that the result would have been the total abandonment of the siege, and a retreat upon Kamiesch, to embark there as rapidly as transportation could be obtained.

To anticipate objections, it may be stated that, during the winter of 1854 and 1855, no supplies were drawn from the country beyond Balaklava, and that the only advantages derived from its occupation were: inextricable confusion in unloading vessels and despatching supplies,
arising from the want of size of the harbor and the steepness of its banks*; wretched roads over
the muddy soil; a steep ascent to be overcome in reaching the plateau; finally, the constant
and lively anticipation of being entirely deprived of these uncertain advantages upon the first
resolute attack by the enemy in force. The most probable reasons for the selection of Balaklava
as the English depot are, that it was somewhat nearer the position on the plateau; that it was
not taken by the French; and that since it existed, it would be a pity that it should remain
idle.

*see picture above.

McClellan's Crimean Report VII

From the course known to have been pursued by the Russians in other cases, the nature of the ground, the appearance of the works at the close of the siege, and the remarks of officers on both sides, it would appear that when Todtleben was called upon to fortify Sebastopol, in presence of the enemy, he commenced by occupying most of the important points that have been mentioned by detached works, generally closed at the gorge. The first efforts of the garrison were directed towards giving these sufficient strength to resist assault ; afterwards they were connected by re-entering lines of a weaker profile, which served to enfilade the ravines and flank the main works. These lines were generally, but not always, continuous.

One of the early measures was to construct rifle pits, which were often advanced to a very considerable distance.

The most important points of the main line of defence should probably be classed in the following order of strength: 1st. The Flag-staff Bastion; 2d. Central Bastion; 3d. Malakoff; 4th. Eedan; 5th. Little Redan.

The Flag-staff Bastion was, on account of the ground, a somewhat irregular figure- nearly a lunette. The ditch of the right face was flanked by two guns in a blinded caponiere; the left face was flanked by four guns, in a return of the epaulment which extended from the rear of the work along the crest of the central ravine, and finally down to the bottom of the valley. The command of the work could not have varied much from 15'. The ditch was about 30' wide, and from 12' to 15' deep; its slopes steep, often vertical. Against a portion of the scarp, near the salient, rested a row of palisades some 10' high, and uninjured by the fire. This was the only case of palisading observed in any part of the ditches. The work was provided with a glacis and covered way, the interior slope of the latter revetted with gabions. Shelters were excavated in the counterscarp, under the covered way. There was a small battery in the covered way of the left face. It was in front of this bastion that the principal mining operations were conducted: on the part of the French to advance their approaches, on the part of the Russians to frustrate the attempt. The craters were from 12' to 15' in depth, and in a very rocky soil. The French never succeeded in carrying the work, nor in crowning the crest of the glacis.

Some portions of the exterior slope were revetted with gabions. These were sadly disfigured, but still presented a formidable obstacle. It is most probable that this system was resorted to only as a rapid means of repairing damages.

The guns were mounted on a narrow rampart, with traverses for each gun, and parados on the right face. Here, as well as in all the other land defences, ships' guns mounted on ships' carriages, and worked by side tackle and breechings, were alone employed. In this battery many of the embrasures were revetted with the common boiler iron ships' water tanks, cubes 4' on each edge. These were filled with earth, and three were employed to revet each cheek. In one embrasure thirteen shot and shell had struck a cheek thus revetted, yet the embrasure was perfectly serviceable. In some cases traverses were made of these tanks. Their sides were sometimes used instead of the rope mantelets. The rope mantelets were suspended from a horizontal spar laid across the top of the embrasure and lashed to stout stakes; they were 4" thick and made of three thicknesses of rope sewed together. A hole was left in the lower part for the gun to run through, and often a circle of similar construction was placed upon the gun, a small aperture being left for pointing. This arrangement was rendered indispensable by the great depth of embrasure required for ships' carriages, and was found to afford ample protection against rifle balls and small grape.

The bomb proofs were generally ample in number; they were sometimes under the rampart, sometimes under the second line of defence, (where such a line existed,) often under special traverses, and occasionally entirely under ground. Their height was generally 6' and upwards, the width sufficient for two rows of banquette beds, the length varied exceedingly; the roof was generally composed of 18" timber, for the most part pieces of masts; the minimum depth of earth on top seemed to be 6'. As I observed none which were broken in by shells, it may be a fair inference that this depth was sufiicient.

Many of the bomb proofs were lined with boards, had fire places and chimneys, were well ventilated, and whitewashed. Latrines were arranged in special bomb proofs, moveable casks with seats over them being employed.

The Flag-staff Bastion had a second line of defence, which was filled with bomb proofs.

The Central was similar in construction to, yet weaker in profile than, the Flag-staff Bastion; its steep scarp and counterscarp rendered it, indeed, a formidable obstacle to assault; with such defenders as the Russians, it is no discredit to the French that their patient yet brilliant efforts failed to achieve success. The loopholed wall was either covered by a rampart and parapet, or entirely replaced by a simple parapet; wherever it remained exposed it was much injured by the long cannonade to which it was subjected.

The Quarantine Redans were little more than a simple trench, with the gabionade thrown forward about 3', thus affording a banquette; the soil in this part was even more rocky than in front of the bastions just described.

The strength of profile of the works east of the central ravine was very much less than that of the Flag-staff and Central Bastions. The remembrance of the history of the progress of the siege will explain the seeming anomaly that points, now generally considered of secondary importance, should be more strongly fortified than those which common opinion pronounces the key points of the position. Until the spring of 1855 all the efforts of the French were directed against the Flag-staff and Central Bastions; and for some reason or other (probably the languor with which their approaches were pushed) the Russians seemed to attach very little importance to the operations of the English. It was therefore natural and proper that the Russians should avail themselves of the time employed by the allies in preparing to open their fire, and of the slackness of the fire during the winter, to turn all their efforts upon the points attacked. It is probable that serious work upon the Malakoff scarcely commenced before the French opened their trenches against it; it was therefore carried on under much more unfavorable circumstances.

In the leisurely construction of a system of permanent defences for Sebastopol, the neglect of the Malakoff and Sapoune ridges would have been indeed inexcusable; but the actual works were constructed for the most part under fire, and always in sight of the enemy. The garrison was for along time weak for so extensive a position, and the supply of tools was always inadequate in amount and wretched in quality; looking at their miserable tools, it was a source of astonishment that such gigantic results could have been achieved with such paltry means.

The Redan was more properly a salient bastion, and appearances indicated that it was originally a detached lunette, closed at the gorge by a bastioned front, having a good ditch, banquette, &c.; in fact, this gorge front still existed in fair condition at the close of the siege, the left half bastion alone having for some reason been nearly levelled. The Redan was afterwards connected with the Barrack battery on the one hand, and on the other extended by the line of works crowning the western crest of the Otchakoff ravine. The nature of the ground, espeeially near the salient, was such that the scarp and counterscarp were more gentle than in the bastions already described. Without pretending to enter into details which would necessarily be imperfect, the best practical idea of the real nature of the work will be derived from the fact that, although no breach was made, the English, on the 8th September, entered the work without using the ladders. The details of the interior were similar to those of the Flagstaff Bastion, the guns being covered by traverses and parados, which formed shelters very favorable to an attacking column after it had once effected an entrance. It should be distinctly stated that the Redan had no second line of defence.

 In front the ground has a very gentle slope and is unobstructed; the works connecting the Redan with the Barrack battery border the precipitous side of the great ravine; the ground occupied by the work itself slopes gently from the salient towards the gorge; in rear it falls rapidly towards the inner harbor, but somewhat less so to the north, so that access is not very difficult from that direction.

In the immediate vicinity of the Redan there was a series of remarkable bomb proofs, excavated in the solid rock: first, a ditch 12' wide and 4' deep was excavated; then holes for a couple of men each were formed on each side of the ditch, each hole being 6' long, 5' high, and 3' wide.

In the same locality arrangements were observed for firing cannister from a 13" mortar.

The line of works extending from the Redan along the crest of the Otchakoff ravine varied much at different points;  in some places the ditch was excavated to the depth of 6' and 8' in the rock, in others the counterscarp was wholly artificial; portions of the abattis still remained in front of this line. This line did not extend continuously to the Malakoff, but was broken where it crossed the Otchakofi" ravine, detached retired batteries enfilading the latter.

The Malakoff also was a salient bastion, its right face being slightly broken to the front; the bastion enclosed the remains of the tower, the lower story of which was covered by the parapet.

An ample estimate for the profile of the Malakoff at the salient would probably be, command 14'; thickness of parapet, 18'; ditch, 18' wide and 12' deep. At all events, such was the condition of affairs that the Zouaves, who formed the storming party on the 8th September, entered the work without the aid of ladders.

The Malakoff Bastion (called by the Russians Korniloff, the name Malakoff being applied by them only to the tower) occupied the eastern crest of a hill rising from the general surface of the ridge, and terminating it towards the town; the slope of the hill towards the French approaches was gentle, while towards the Karabelnaia suburb it was steep, difiicult, and obstructed in the extreme; to the north and south the ground fell away rapidly. In rear of the bastion an irregular redoubt occupied the remainder of the summit of the hill; the parapet did not always follow the ditch, but was often broken into saw teeth (to obtain better directions for the guns) while the ditch ran in a straight line. With regard to the bastion and redoubt two errors were commited: in the first place, two epaulments were left standing, extending from near the flanks of the bastion to the redoubt, which afforded easy access to the latter from the parapet of the former; in the second place, the bastion was literally filled with traverses covering the bomb proof shelters; these traverses entirely nullified the effect of the fire of the redoubt upon the troops who gained the bastion, and afforded them complete shelter. As these bomb proofs were absolutely necessary to enable the garrison to hold the work during the bombardment, it is not perhaps exactly proper to designate their construction as an error, although their existence proved fatal at the time of the assault. The evil might have been remedied either by sinking the bomb proofs entirely under ground, or by giving to the mass of earth above a glacis slope towards the salient, although the latter arrangement would have required much space. The interior slopes of all the works were revetted with gabions, crowned with fascines and sand bags. From the Malakoff to the Little Redan abattis, military pits, spikes and caltrops, with four barbed points, stuck through planks, were freely employed. These things were also employed in front of other parts of the defences. Explosive machines, on the Jacobi principle, were also employed.

The Russian engineers appeared to have relied upon the artillery fire of the collateral works for flanking defences and acting upon the ground in front of any particular work, rather than upon the immediate flanking arrangements of the special work in question. The entire absence of blinded batteries is somewhat remarkable. There can be no doubt that such batteries at the salients of the principal works would have exercised a very great influence.

The Mamelon Vert* was situated on the summit of a mound of no considerable elevation above the general surface of the ridge; the eastern slope was gentle, while it was more abrupt on the other sides, particularly towards the west. It was difficult or impossible to determine the original form of the work. It appeared to have been a redan, with a pan-coupe, the right face flanked by the Malakoff, the left by the Little Redan, the pan-coupe by the Sapoune redoubts; yet it is not improbable that it was a lunette. The Sapoune redoubts appear to have been lunettes, with a command of 7', the ditch 5' deep and 12' wide, a glacis 2' in height. Even in these detached works excellent bomb proofs were provided.

The Russian counter-approaches generally consisted of fleches, united by a simple trench.

The famous rifle pits varied much in character. Sometimes they consisted merely of a little pile of stones, or two gabions, placed on their sides, forming an angle merely sufficient to shelter one man; at other times, of a hole in the ground for four or five men; again, of semicircles or fleches capable of holding from ten to forty men.

In front of the Volhynian redoubt there were two lines of these semicircular shelters, uniting at an acute angle about two hundred and fifty yards in advance of the work, and extending across the ridge. In advance of the angle were two rows of small ones for one or two men each. These particular semicircles were eight paces wide at the gorge, had a parapet 4' high, the interior being excavated. In many cases these pits were thrown much further in advance, and in very exposed situations. They contributed very materially towards impeding the progress of the approaches.

From the preceding hasty and imperfect account of the defences of Sebastopol, it will appear how little foundation there was for the generally received accounts of the stupendous dimensions of the works, and of new systems of fortifications brought into play. The plain truth is that these defences were simple temporary fortifications of rather greater dimensions than usual, and that not a single new principle of engineering was there developed. It is true that there were several novel minor details, such as the rope mantelets, the use of the iron tanks, &c.; but the whole merit consisted in the admirable adaptation of well known principles to the peculiar locality and circumstances of the case. Neither can it be asserted that the plans of the various works were perfect. On the contrary, there is no impropriety in believing that, if Todtleben were called upon to do the same work over again, he would probably introduce better close flanking arrangements.

These remarks are not intended to, nor can they, detract from the reputation of the Russian engineer. His labors and their results will be handed down in history as the most triumphant and enduring monument of the value of fortifications, and his name must ever be placed in the first rank of military engineers. But in our admiration of the talent and energy of the engineer, it must not be forgotten that the inert masses which he raised would have been useless without the skilful artillery and heroic infantry who defended them. Much stronger places than Sebastopol have often fallen under far less obstinate and well combined attacks than that to which it was subjected. There can be no danger in expressing the conviction that the siege of Sebastopol called forth the most magnificent defence of fortifications that has ever yet occurred.

 -To assist in understanding some of the terminology in this section, I suggest A treatise on fortification ..., as well as an Introductory Essay to the Study of Fortification by Captain Hector Straith who was the  professor of Fortification and Artillery at the Military Seminary, Addiscombe.


*yes, that does mean "Green Nipple."

McClellan's Crimean Report VI

Plan des Attaques by Capitaine Charles Alexandre Fay, French staff officer

The general configuration of the harbor of Sebastopol, and the peninsula to the south of it, is too well known to require description. The most striking and, in their bearing upon the siege, the most important features are: First. The complete isolation of the high plateau of the peninsula from the main Crimea by the nearly continuous valleys of Balaklava and the Tchernaya. Second. The lofty and almost inaccessible escarpment which limits the plateau towards the east, south, and to a great extent on the north. Third. The deep and difficult ravines which intersect this very irregular surface.

Some points of the plateau exceed 700' in elevation the average height of the escarpment above the valleys of Balaklava and the Tchernaya may safely be taken at 400'. It need scarcely be stated that this plateau formed for the allies a position of great strength.

Of the many ravines by which it is intersected, it is only those from the Careening to the Quarantine bays, inclusive, that have an immediate bearing on the works of attack and defence. All of these have their origin quite close to the eastern border of the plateau.

The most important is the great central ravine, the main branch of which commences quite near the "Col de Balaklava"-the depression through which the main road from Balaklava to Kamiesch ascends the plateau -then runs a little west of north, forming, where it enters the town, the inner harbor, which separates Sebastopol from the Karabelnaia suburb. During nearly the first half of the siege the French approaches were confined to the west of this ravine, occupying all the space thence to the sea; while the English were on the east, occupying the ground only as far as the Otchakoff ravine; in other words the original French attack was directed against the city proper, while that of the English was against a portion of the Karabelnaia suburb.

It is now time to state that when the allies reached Balaklava the land defences of Sebastopol, on the south side, consisted of a loopholed wall, 4' 8" thick, and from 18' to 20' high, extending from the western point of Artillery bay to the position afterwards occupied by the Central Bastion; thence around the Karabelnaia suburb to the main harbor, the only defence consisted of the Malakoff tower, a semicircular structure, with two stories of loopholes and 5 guns in barbette.

To resume the description of the ground west of the central ravine: the Artillery Bay ravine commences about three-quarters of a mile outside of the city, and at first runs nearly north, being separated from a spur of the central ravine by a ridge about one-eighth of a mile wide; on the highest point of this ridge was situated the Flag-staff Bastion (Bastion du Mat;) the French approaches followed this ridge, and extended across the Artillery Bay ravine, which is here by no means steep or difficult, but becomes much more pronounced upon entering the city, when it for some distance runs off to the west of north.

Just before this ravine enters the city there commences to the west of it, and separated from it by a ridge about one-eighth of a mile wide, another ravine which runs into the Quarantine bay, and which we will call the Central Bastion ravine; the direction of this ravine is nearly northwest; near its head, and on the highest point of the ridge which separates it from the Artillery Bay ravine, is situated the Central Bastion, at an elevation of 217' above the sea.

The loop-holed wall, and the works constructed to replace or strengthen it, follow this ridge for about three-quarters of the distance to the Quarantine batteries, and then turn off to the north; from this angle to the batteries a line of works called the Quarantine redans was erected during the siege.

The French attacks against the Central Bastion followed the ridge on which it was built, and to the westward occupied the irregular ridge between the Central Bastion ravine and the Quarantine Bay ravine, then crossed this last ravine and terminated at the shore of the Black sea, where powerful batteries were erected. The Central Bastion ravine has rather gentle slopes, and is by no means so difficult as those on the eastern side of the great central ravine; in fact, approaches could be carried over it, and did, indeed extend into it.

Passing to the east of the central ravine, Cathcart's hill, which will be found on all the maps, may be taken as a starting point.

On the west and east sides of this hill two difficult ravines commence; the first, called by the English the Valley of Death, unites with the central ravine about one mile from the southern extremity of the inner harbor; the second, by which the Woronzoff road enters the city, joins the central ravine at the very end of the inner harbor. The isolated spur thus formed was occupied by the English lelt attack, the only object of which was to establish batteries to assist the French attack upon the Flag-staff Bastion, and the English right attack upon the Redan, as well as to protect the flanks of those attacks; for the ravines bordering this spur are so deep and difficult as to render it impossible to cross them either by trenches or assaulting columns.

Further to the east is the Otchakoff ravine, running nearly parallel to the Woronzoff ravine, much less difficult and directed upon the Dock Yard bay. On the highest point of the ridge separating the two ravines last named, and at its end nearest the town, were situated the Redan and the Barrack battery; the English right attack followed the ridge. To the eastward of the Otchakoff ravine, and nearly parallel to it, is the Careening Bay ravine, the most difficult of all. On the highest point at the end of the ridge thus formed was placed the Malakoff, at an elevation of 333'; the Little Redan (Batterie Noire) occupied a considerably lower point to the northeast of the Malakoff, while the work known as the Mamelon Vert, or Brancion redoubt, crowned a hill on the same ridge, about three-eighths of a mile to the southeast of the Malakoff, and 40' more elevated; the French attacks against the three works named occupied the summit and higher slopes of the ridge. 

Between the Careening Bay ravine and the main harbor is situated the high and narrow ridge known as Mount Sapoune. Points of this ridge were occupied by the Volhynia and Selenghinsk redoubts, (ouvrages blancs,) which acted upon the flank of the French approaches against the Mamelon, and would have taken in reverse the approaches thence against the Malakoff. The French approaches against the redoubts wound along the summit of the Sapoune ridge. In rear of the Redan and Malakoff, more especially in the latter case, the ground fell rapidly to the level of the Karabelnaia and the bay in rear of the loopholed wall the ground also soon fell rapidly into the Artillery Bay ravine, leaving, however a plateau of some little width immediately behind the defences, which thus screened the greater part of the town and harbor from the view of those in the trenches.    

McClellan's Crimean Report V

The Return from Inkerman by Lady Butler

From the moment the allies occupied Balaklava and Kamiesch, the conduct of the Russian general deserves high commendation, and was in striking contrast with that of his antagonists.

The affair of Balaklava has been so often discussed, yet so imperfectly explained by the innumerable military and civil inquiries to which it and all connected with it, have been subjected, that it, would seem idle for one who visited the scene nearly a year after it occurred to pretend to comment upon it: but it may be permitted to say with regard to the ground over which the English light cavalry charged, that, if the eye were not raised from the soil under foot, no more favorable place could be selected for a charge of cavalry- it was on the smooth turf of the flat and level bottom of a wide valley; but upon turning the glance to the ground to the north and east, imagining the Russians in the positions which they occupied on the 25th October, 1854, it is difficult to divine how any officer could direct such a charge to be made; destruction was inevitable, and nothing could be gained. No doubt there often are cases in which one arm of service may consistently be required to sacrifice itself for the benefit of the others, but this was not such a case. The most appropriate criticism upon this exhibition of insane and useless valor seems to be that, no doubt, made by a well known French general: "C'est bien magnifique mais, ce n'est pas la guerre!" The Russians have been criticised for effecting "too much and too little" in the affair of Balaklava; too much in indicating to the allies the weakness of their right; too little in not availing themselves of this weakness to carry Balaklava. It is probable that their object was chiefly to slacken the operations of the siege by making a diversion; but it does not appear that they acted with all possible energy on this occasion.

As things went at Inkermann, the result as far as the English were concerned, appears to have been due to that steady and magnificent courage of their race, which has so often palliated or overbalanced the follies and unskilfulness of their commanders whether in victory or defeat. Their conduct on that day was worthy of the nation which gained credit alike at Malplaquet and Landen, Blenheim and Fontenoy, Waterloo and Corunna.

The position of Inkermann is the key point of the northeastern angle of the plateau of the Chersonese; it commands the road ascending the plateau by Cathcart's ravine, the only approach from the north side, and the road which follows the Careening Bay ravine the only approach from the city in that vicinity; it is the most elevated ground in the neighborhood, and is susceptible of a strong defence from whatever direction it may be attacked. Were it occupied by the Russians the siege of the Karabelnaia became impossible and the position of the allies dangerous in the extreme if strongly occupied by the allies their right became perfectly secure.

Could the Russians have anticipated a siege of Sebastopol, it would have been an unpardonable error not to have occupied the Inkermann by a small permanent work. How little they were prepared for an attack by land will probably be shown in the sequel; but as things were, it appears to be a grave error not to have intrenched the position from the beginning. It was still more inexcusable on the part of the allies to have omitted the occupation of the position in force; nor, with proper field works, would a very large force have been necessary.

The Russian plan for the battle of November 5 was most excellent in conception; and as far as mere orders could go, nothing seemed wanting to insure success, and drive the English partly over the steep borders of the plateau into the open arms of Gortschakoff partly into the sea and the rest to Kamiesch. It must be kept in view that the principal object of the Russians in giving battle at the Inkermann was to prevent an assault upon the town then regarded as too weak to resist it; in this respect, although at a heavy cost, they gained their point ,for they effectually rendered an assault impossible for many months thereafter. In considering the plan of attack, the Russian general rejected the idea of a movement on the allied centre, (by the ravine of the inner harbor,) because it was too effectually defended by the siege batteries of the allies; the attack upon their rear was rejected because the plateau was very difficult of access, strongly guarded and the affair of Balaklava had induced the allies to throw up works in that direction. It was therefore determined to attack the English right and centre making false attacks on the French left and towards Balaklava.

The spirit of the orders issued was as follows: General Soimonoff, with 16,200 infantry and 38 guns, to march up the Careening Bay ravine, ascend its western slope near the Victoria redoubt and attack the English centre. General Pauloff, with 13,500 infantry and 28 guns, to march from the north side, descend into and cross the Tchernaya valley at the head of the bay, ascend by Cathcart's ravine, and attack the English right; the attack of these two commands to be simultaneous. General Gortschakoff, with about 15,000 infantry, 4,000 cavalry, and 40 guns, to make a false attack upon Balaklava and the roads leading thence to the plateau. General Timofajeff, with some 2,500 men and 4 guns to make a false attack upon the French left, carrying their batteries, if any confusion were observed among them. The batteries in the town to keep up a warm fire.

A close examination of the ground would indicate the propriety of this plan of attack; the difficulty arose in the execution. It would appear that in the orders the expression "left of the Careening Bay ravine" was used for "western;" Soimonoff improperly interpreted this as meaning his own left, and thus brought his own and Pauloff's column into a state of confusion which paralyzed the efforts of both, so that but a portion of either command was at any one time engaged. 

As it was, the Russians were undoubtedly driving the exhausted English before them when Bosquet came up. Had the false attack towards Balaklava been properly conducted, Bosquet would have been unable to assist the English; but soon perceiving that the operations of Gortschakoff were confined to a simple cannonade at long range, he readily divined the true state of affairs, and by his prompt action saved the army.

Timofajeff succeeded in spiking fifteen guns, and paralyzed the French left.

It would thus seem that the result of the action was due partly to the courage of the English,partly to the mistake of Soimonoff,(who expiated his error with his life,) partly to the prompt and correct judgment of Bosquet, and mainly to the fact that Gortschakoff did not conduct his false attack with sufficient energy and decision.

The desperate courage of the Russians in this affair was fully acknowledged by all who participated in it.

In the battle of the Tchernaya the principal efforts of the Russians were directed against two points: The Fedukhine heights, occupied by the French, and the hills occupied by the Sardinians*, between the Fedukhine and the village of Karlofka Pus, directly opposite Tchorgoun.

A glance at the map will show the propriety of this attack; for had either of these points fallen the other must have followed and had the Russians followed; up the occupation by any active measures, the result must have been the suspension of the siege. The question will naturally arise, why did the Russians abandon these positions which were in their possession during a part of the preceding winter? The only reasonable answer is, that their force was then so small as to be entirely required for the defence of the city.

The Fedukhine heights the elevation of which is not far from 100, extend about two and a half miles along the Tchernaya; their horizontal plan is nearly a trident, with the points toward the stream, the central branch sending forth some five irregular spurs; towards the stream the slopes are sufficiently steep to render access difficult, while full sweep is permitted to the fire of artillery and musketry from the summit, and upon any one point from the collateral spurs.

The aqueduct, which is here a ditch so broad and deep as to be much in the way of troops, skirts the northern base of the heights along their whole extent.

The Traktir bridge is directly in the prolongation of the ravine which separates the central from the eastern branch of the trident; for more than half a mile on each side of the bridge the deep and vertical bed of the Tchernaya skirts the aqueduct.

The Traktir bridge was of masonry and covered by a weak tete-de-pont.

Either the acqueduct or the stream was in itself a serious obstacle the two combined constituted a formidable obstacle requiring the use of bridges situated as they were under the close fire of the troops occupying the heights.

The same difficulties, to a greater extent, existed at the foot of the Sardinian heights; but the attack in this quarter does not appear to have been quite so pronounced as that upon the French. Both of these positions were strengthened to a certain extent by field works especially that of the Sardinians.

It is certain that the allies had received intelligence, from a neutral capital, that the Russians intended attacking on or about the 18th of August, although the precise point was not perhaps specified. 

The Russian reports give their own version of the failure attributing it to a failure on the part of one of their generals to carry out his orders; but the foregoing description of the ground may render it probable that the repulse was due to the strength of the position and the gallantry of its defenders, without seeking for other causes; it may safely be said that the defeat of the Russians was not owing to any want of courage and impetuosity on their part.

The events of Inkermann and Traktir seem to lead to the conclusion that the Russians moved in too heavy and unwieldy masses; this system of tactics which would on many fields, no doubt, carry all before it if followed by a rapid deployment, in these cases exposed them to terrible losses, and rendered impossible that effective development of numerical force and individual exertion which was necessary to carry the day.   

*Here is an informative little piece on the Sardinian Army . . . by Frederich Engels.

McClellan's Crimean Report IV

Balaclava looking seawards, Roger Fenton Crimean War Collection, LOC

In considering the operations of the Russians at this period, it must be remembered that the nearest harbor to the north of Sebastopol that could at all answer as a depot for the operations of a siege was the poor one of Eupatoria, forty-eight miles distant; and that to the south of the city, the only harbors were Balaklava and the series between Cape Chersonese and the city. It was clearly the interest of the Russians to oblige the allies to attack on the north rather than on the south side; for the reasons that the former was already in an efficient state of defence, requiring open trenches to reduce it, while the latter was open; and more especially that their long line of communication with Eupatoria and the rear of their position would have remained exposed to the constant attacks of the reinforcements which might soon be expected by the Russians, while the city could still be supplied by the more circuitous route of the valley of Baidar, the allied force being too small to complete the investment. It was impossible for the Russians to oppose the landing because an army on land could never keep pace with the movements of a fleet. The only reasonable plan was to remain in position at Sebastopol, and act according to circumstances as soon as the allies showed their hand. But the landing being once effected, the Russian general should have annoyed and harassed them, by day and night, by unremitting attacks by his Cossacks and other light troops.

Instead of offering battle at the Alma, two other plans were open for the consideration of the Russian. In any event to destroy the harbors of Balaklava, Kamiesch, &c., and then, first, to leave in Sebastopol the garrison necessary to secure it against assault by a detachment of the allied army, and with the rest of his available troops to operate on the left flank of the allies, in which case his superior knowledge of the ground ought to have enabled him at least to delay them many days in a precarious position; second, to remain in the vicinity of the city, occupy the plateau to the south of it, and allow the allies to plunge as deeply as they chose into the cul de sac thus opened to them. 

A couple of vessels sunk in the narrow mouth of the harbor of Balaklava, or the employment of a few tons of powder in blasting the cliffs which enclosed its entrance would have effectually prevented all access to it. A few vessels sunk in the common entrance of the harbors of Kamiesch and Kazatch and the same thing at Strelitzka bay, would have rendered them also inaccessible. This should have been regarded as a necessary part of any system of defence for Sebastopol, and if carried out, would have placed the allies in a most unenviable position. The result of their expedition would have been disastrous in the extreme; and they might well have esteemed themselves fortunate if permitted to retrace their weary journey to the Old Fort, there to re-embark and consider more promising plans of campaign. I am not acquainted with the early career of the Russian commander, but cannot resist the conviction that the history of his operations will but present another example of the impropriety of intrusting military operations to any other than a professional soldier, or at least of the danger of attempting to combine in one person any such dissimilar professions as that of the sailor and the soldier. The moral courage and energy of the admiral in the early part of the siege, and his sagacity in detecting the merits of Todtleben, are above praise, but cannot efface the impression that he failed to take a sufficiently enlarged and military view of the events he so largely controlled.

To resume the movements of the allies The battle of the Alma was fought on the 20th of September; the two following days were spent on the field of battle; the 23d and 24th were occupied in marching a little more than ten miles to the Balbek; the 25th and half of the 26th were passed here, when at noon of the latter day, the flank march to the south side was commenced by the curious arrangement of sending the English artillery in advance, without escort, through a woods. This very original order of march was well nigh attended with disastrous consequences; for, as the head of the column approached the main road at Mackenzie's farm, a strong Russian column passed by. Fortunately for the English batteries, the Russians must have neglected observing the roads; and being ignorant of the true state of affairs, steadily pursued their march towards Baktschi Serai, thus losing an opportunity of striking a brilliant blow without risk to themselves. 

Finally, after darkness set in, the head of the English column reached the banks of the Tchernaya at the Traktir bridge, the rear closing up very late at night broken down by disease, burning with thirst and exhausted by fatigue. Next day the march was resumed; losing many men by the cholera, and much disorganized by the fatigues of the preceding day, they at length reached the welcome haven of Balaklava just as an English steamer glided in. Thus, on the 27th the communication with the fleet was regained, and the first episode of the campaign terminated. The French followed the movement, the armies ascended the plateau, Kamiesch was occupied; and now, instead of taking advantage of the exposed condition of the south side, the allies commenced the labor of landing, and moving up their siege material, opening the trenches, &c. 

To appreciate the position of the English army on the night it reached the Tchernaya, it must be borne in mind that it had in its rear the precipitous heights of Mackenzie, several hundred feet in elevation, with but a single road leading to the summit, and that they were thus cut off from the immediate assistance of the French. If the English had been attacked this night, the result must have been disastrous to them in the extreme. Had the harbor of Balaklava been destroyed, and the attack been made during the next day's march, it is probable that their annihilation would have been the result.

In considering this march, it is somewhat difficult to determine which party committed the greatest faults- the allies in so exposing themselves, or the Russian in failing to avail himself of the opportunities offered.

Thus far the allied generals displayed none of the qualities of great commanders; their measures were half-way measures, slow and blundering; they failed to keep constantly in view the object of the expedition, and to press rapidly and unceasingly towards it.

 TO BE CONTINUED

McClellans Crimean Report III

Eupatoria by George Byrant Campion (1796- 1870)

                               REPORT  OF OPERATIONS IN THE CRIMEA

Believing that the officers of the army have a right to know the opinions formed by one of their number who enjoyed the opportunity of visiting, in an official character the scene of the recent contest in the East, I somewhat reluctantly undertake the task of attempting to give a succinct account of those general points of the operations in the Crimea which are most important and interesting in their professional bearing.

For many and obvious reasons no attempt will be made to enter into details. The task would be an endless one were the means at hand; and nothing but an accurate survey or very minute and frequent examinations of every part of the vast field on which these operations occurred, combined with the advantage of having been an eye witness of the events themselves and the circumstances under which they took place, could justify any one in undertaking to give a detailed account of the campaign of the Crimea. It is known that circumstances rendered it impossible for the commission to reach the seat of war until a short time after the fall of the Malakoff. I have reason to expect that the other members of the commission will enter into considerable detail with regard to the condition and nature of the Russian defences as they existed at the close of the siege the amount calibre and effect of the artillery employed, &c. ,

Although fully aware that it is much easier to criticize operations after the result is known than to direct them at the time, I shall not hesitate to invite attention to what appear to be evident mistakes on either side; this, not for the purpose of finding fault, or instituting comparisons, but with the hope that it may serve to draw the attention of our officers to the same points, and perhaps assist in preventing similar errors on our own part hereafter.

From the general interest felt in the late war, it is more than probable that every officer of our army followed step by step the movements of the allies from Gallipoli to Varna, from Varna to Old Fort, and thence to the scene of the gigantic strife in the Heracleidan Chersonese.

It may seem absurd to compare small affairs with great, but it cannot fail to be a source of satisfaction to reflect upon the fact that in the operations against Vera Cruz, the first thing of that nature we had ever undertaken, we completed a difficult line of investment on the second day after landing while the experienced troops of the allies required nearly seven days to land and march about 15 miles to the Alma; bearing in mind that they landed, without knapsacks, (the English at least,) with nothing but a scanty field material, and that they were in constant communication with their fleet. It was twenty-seven days after the battle of the Alma that they opened fire upon Sebastopol, although the distance from the Alma to Balaklava did not exceed 30 miles; and their siege train was with the fleet and landed in the secure harbors of Kamiesch and Balaklava. In spite of the delays arising from mistakes in forwarding our siege train which was landed on an open beach, at a time when violent norther frequently suspended work and cut off all communication with the fleet, we opened fire upon Vera Cruz on the thirteenth day after landing.

Before entering upon the siege of Sebastopol, it may be well to refer to the battles which varied the monotony of that long period, during which both parties evinced so much gallantry and endurance in the usual operations of attack and defence relieved often by the gallant sorties of the garrison on the one hand, and on the other by the desperate assaults of the besiegers. In the battle of the Alma, important chiefly because it established the morale the attacking party, the allies seem to have been, judging from the statements of both sides of about double the force of the Russians. It does not appear that the position was really a remarkably strong one nor that it was at all improved by artificial means. The only field works were a few trifling barbette parapets in front of some of the batteries; while the slopes leading to the position seem often to have been particularly on the Russian left too steep to permit the effective operation of the weapons of the defenders Of the relative gallantry of the troops composing the allied army this is no proper place to speak. It need only be said that the column conducted by General Bosquet decided the retreat of the Russians, since it turned their left flank. Of the propriety of this movement doubts may be entertained, considering always the subsequent movements of the allies. It would seem natural that two plans ought to have been considered by the allied generals: the first, to cut off the Russian army from Sebastopol, and following the battle by a rapid advance upon the city, to enter it, at all hazards over the bodies of its weak garrison, effect their purposes and either retire to the fleet or hold the town; the second, to cut off the Russian army of operations from all external succor on the part of troops coming from the direction of Simpheropol to drive them into the city, and enter at their heels.

To accomplish the first plan, the attack of Bosquet, but should have been followed up by such an unremitting pursuit as that which succeeded the battle of Jena. To gain the second object, it would have been proper to attack the Russian right, and endeavor not only to cut them off from Simpheropol, but to throw them into the sea by pushing forward the allied left so far and so rapidly as to cut them off from Sebastopol, and thus annihilate them. Neither of these plans was fully carried out. The Russians retired in perfect order, abandoning only one or two dismounted guns, thus justifying the supposition that their general appreciated much more fully than did the allies the delicate nature of his position.

It must be stated that during the battle, the garrison of Sebastopol consisted merely of four battalions and the sailors of the fleet. The condition of its defences at that time will hereafter be alluded to.

Allied march to Sevastopol. Crimean War, September 1854. 

TO BE CONTINUED

McClellans Crimean Report II

From The Mexican War Diary of General George B. McClellan

 George Brinton McClellan and his father Dr. George McClellan in 1846 shortly before leaving for Texas. The "girl" is his brother Arthur McClellan (1839-1904).



A little background on the young George McClellan before we go to the meat of his report . . .

"Before George B. McClellan enrolled at West Point, he was fluent in French and Latin. He was 15 when he arrived at the USMA. He graduated second in the class of 1846 and became a brevet second lieutenant in the Corps of Engineers. He joined a newly formed company of sappers and miners at West Point that soon deployed to Brazos Santiago, Texas near the mouth of the Rio Grande. In January 1847, his company led a column on a 400 mile march from Matamoras to Tampico where they joined General winfield Scott's invasion force.

. . .

"Brevet Second Lieutenant McClellan was with one of the first groups ashore at Vera Cruz, Mexico. Although he was the most junior engineer officer at the siege of Vera Cruz, he soon earned a reputation as a fire eater and would frequently be found in the thick of the action.

 . . .

"After eight month‘s occupation duty in Mexico City, McClellan and his company returned to West Point. He continued to serve with his company while performing additional duties as Assistant Professor of Engineering. While at West Point, McClellan translated a French manual on bayonet combat and taught it to his company. The US Army adopted his translation as a manual in 1852.

In 1851, McClellan became the assistant engineer in the construction of Fort Delaware. During this time, he also taught himself German. In 1852, he joined an expedition to explore the Red River and Palo Duro Canyon in Texas. He became the chief engineer in the Department of Texas and surveyed the rivers and harbors of the Texas coastline. In 1853, he conducted an independent survey of the Washington Territory coastal area through the Cascade Mountains. In 1854, Secretary of War Jefferson Davis hand picked now Regular Army First Lieutenant McClellan for a secret mission that surveyed the Dominican Republic‘s harbors for a suitable American naval port. After successful completion of this mission, McClellan did a survey of the nation‘s railroads for Davis. Davis had convinced Congress to create two new infantry and cavalry regiments. McClellan applied for a captaincy in the cavalry and was accepted. A few days after his selection, he was summoned to Washington to serve on the Delafield Commission.

-The Delafield Commission: Forerunner of the FAO Program
By LTC Lester W. Grau, Army, 48E (Retired)

McClellan's Crimean Report I

A topical Nineteenth Century report from a young George McClellan . . .




                                                                   REPORT
                                                                        OF 
                                                    THE SECRETARY OF WAR

                                                               communicating,

In compliance (in part) with a resolution of the Senate the report of Captain George B. McClellan one of the officers sent by order of the War Department to the seat of war in Europe in 1855 and 1856.

February 27, 1857.- Read.

March 14, 1857.- Ordered to be printed, and that five thousand additional copies be printed, one thousand of which shall be for the use of the War Department.

                                                                                   War Department,
                                                                       Washington, February 25, 1857.

Sir: The resolution of the Senate of the 13th instant requests the Secretary of War to communicate "copies of all reports which may have been made to the department by the officers were sent to the seat of war in Europe in 1855 and 1856."

In consequence of other important duties having been assigned to two of the officers referred to, (Major Delafield, of the Engineers, and Major Mordecai, of the Ordnance,) upon their return Europe, they have not yet been able to complete their reports. The report of the other officer (Captain George B. McClellan, of the Cavalry,) having been completed is, in compliance the resolution, herewith transmitted.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

                                                                                       JEFFERSON DAVIS,
                                                                                           Secretary of War.

Hon. J.M. Mason, 

     President of the Senate pro tem.